What has Mussin agreed with Akorda?

We, the public of Atyrau, well know that Mussin never believed that Kazakh press or public opinion, in general, was worth taking seriously. Mussin’s non-publicity is more than just a chosen tactics of behavior, but a feature of his personality, that fully matches the feature of the closed political system in the country.  

For the first time ever in his political career he gave an interview to non-governmental media. Why? Would he answer such free-and-easy questions (as is his opinion) put by guljan.org or somebody else when he was heading presidential administration or being a sufficiently powerful figure in politics? Never. If he personally signed the letter, it means:

a) He had to do this upon a recommendation from ‘the top’. The fact that Mussin answers to the questions of a website that regularly publishes any facts and rumors about his relation to the events in Atyrau and Zhanaozen indicates that he has been fated to be politically nobody by the dwellers of the Olympus. And this nobody was tasked to ‘announce’ the top’s attitude to future outcomes of the investigation in Atyrau Oblast (it is obvious that such an instruction exists seeing Mussin’s previously bad attitude to Guljan Yergaliyeva’s site). As planned, Mr Mussin’s answers should convey a message that nobody will try to reveal his probable relation to the Zhanaozen massacre and the multibillion stealing in Atyrau Oblast. If a head of presidential administration was accused of these crimes, this would heavily damage the president’s reputation as well. By the way, his answer about ‘exceptionally work-related relations’ with Bergei Ryskaliyev may also be understood as a hidden position of top power toward a possible criminal proceeding against ex-governor of Atyrau Oblast: a proceeding may likely be launched, as Mussin, like Akorda, was officially unaware of mass fraud in the region.

b) Assume that Mussin himself decided to openly answer questions of guljan.org. In an attempt to convince people he is safe from prosecution and still trusted by the president – like ‘everything is over, forget it’. In this case, such ‘an indecent’ for Celestial Fathers from Astana publicity, again means he is nobody in politics. Traditionally, only those who have completed their political careers in executive power engage in dialogue with independent and oppositional media. Not the ones who simply quit, but those who fear repression. We don’t know whether Mussin has such concerns. If it was his decision to respond to the inquiry, then Astana will badly question the loyalty of former head of president’s executive office. Traditionally, only the president may give an only right evaluation to the performance of a political figure of such a scale. And the president hasn’t said his word yet. Therefore, for his own safety Mussin ought to have kept silence instead of making independent action.

Given the above, the first option is the most likely one. Mussin’s answers reveal some results of his agreement with the president.

When it comes to Aslan Mussin’s specific answers to the questions put, it makes no sense to believe them – the interview was neither a confession nor a heart-to-heart conversation. It was an effort to outline frontiers that the investigation currently running in Atyrau will not cross (plus Zhanaozen, on which investigation and court are long over).

By Ak Zhaik editors

Aslan Mussin: “I was and will I remain a loyal ally of the Great Man”

The website www.guljan.org published the interview with the former Head of the Presidential Administration of the Republic of Kazakhstan, currently the Chair of the Audit Committee for the Republic’s Budget - Aslan MUSSIN:

“1. What was the reason of your resignation from the position of the Head of the Presidential Administration and was it a voluntary or compelled resignation?

1. I had worked in the capacity of the Head of the Presidential Administration of the Republic of Kazakhstan for 4 years. My term in this challenging position was the longest among other predecessors. I worked around the clock without holidays or week-ends. Therefore, I asked the President to transfer me to another job.

2. Your name very often and quite confidently is associated with ex-Akim of Atyrau Oblast Bergei Ryskaliyev. To what extent your relations were trust-based?

2. The relations with the Akim of Atyrau Oblast Bergei Saulebayevich, as well as with other state officials, were exclusively work-related.

3. In your opinion, why Mr. Ryskaliyev together with his brother left Kazakhstan? Is he afraid of legal prosecutions?

3. I cannot answer this question, since I do not have any information.

4. Would you confirm, that ex-deputy Akim of Atyrau Oblast Salimzhan Nakpaev reported to you personally about the gross violations of the law and abuse of power by the top Atyrau oblast officials? If yes, then what measures have you undertaken?

4. When I was the akim of Atyrau Oblast I promoted Nakpayev to various senior positions, as well as many other young officials. He didn’t report to me personally about any violations of law in Atyrau Oblast.

5. How will you comment the public statements in your advocacy and the proposal to side with the opponents of President Nazarbayev by the ex-ambassador of RoK to Austria Rakhat Aliyev who is currently abroad?

5. Aliyev has been found guilty by the Kazakhstan court. I’ve never had any contact with Aliyev and I couldn’t have had by definition.

6. What exactly do you know about the events in Zhanaozen: when and under what circumstances have you learnt about them?

7. How you will comment the opinion of the pubic representatives that the decision about resolving of the labor conflict in Zhanaozen, which ended with shooting of the striking oil industry workers, was under your personal control (that, allegedly, you personally gave the order to use the firearms on December 16-17, 2011 against the protesting oil workers in Mangistau Oblast)?

6-7. There was the court ruling issued with regards to the events in Zhanaozen. Therefore, there is no sense in making comments to them. About the start of disorders in Zhanaozen I learned on December 16, 2011 around 12:30 from the report of the heads of law enforcement agencies.

I haven’t given any orders to use the firearms. Neither I, nor the country's top leadership gave that order. 

8. Do you still consider yourself to be the adherent of the president Nazarbayev, and do you have the intention to remain among his colleagues, accepting any appointments to perform all his instructions?

8. I’ve always been and I remain a loyal ally of the Great Man, the founder and builder of our state, Nursultan Abishevich Nazarbayev. I am ready to work in any office, he will entrust to me.

А. Mussin

October 29, 2012”